A Complete List of John Grisham Books

John Grisham is a master of legal thrillers; his novels have captured the attention of millions of readers, from adults to teens. In three decades he has written nearly one book per year and a number of those have been adapted into popular movies. From his debut novel A Time to Kill to the 2017  release of Camino Island, Grishams books are nothing short of captivating. Over the years, he branched out from legal stories as well. His complete list of published books includes stories about sports as well as non-fiction. Its a compelling body of literature and if youve missed one or two books, youll definitely want to catch up. Lawyer Turned Best-Selling Author John Grisham was working as a criminal defense attorney in Southaven, Mississippi when he wrote his first novel. A Time to Kill, based on an actual court case that dealt with racial issues in the South. It enjoyed modest success. He entered politics, serving in the state legislature on the Democratic ticket and began writing his second novel. It was not Grishams intent to leave law and politics to become a published author, but the runaway success of his second endeavor The Firm changed his mind. Grisham quickly became a prolific best-selling author. In addition to novels, he has published short stories, nonfiction, and young adult books.   Grisham Captures Mainstream Readers From  1989-2000 Few new writers have exploded onto the literary scene like John Grisham. The Firm became the top-selling book of 1991 and was on The New York Times bestseller list for nearly 50 weeks. In 1993, it was made into the first of many movies based on Grishams novels. From The Pelican Brief through The Brethren, Grisham continued to produce legal thrillers at the rate of about one per year. He tapped into his experience as a lawyer to create characters who faced moral dilemmas and dangerous situations. During the first decade of his work, he produced several novels that were eventually made into major big-screen films. These include Pelican Brief in 1993; The Client in 1994; A Time to Kill in 1996; The Chamber in 1996; and The Rainmaker in 1997. 1989 - A Time to Kill1991 - The Firm1992 - The Pelican Brief1993 - The Client1994 - The Chamber1995 - The Rainmaker1996 - The Runaway Jury1997 - The Partner1998 - The Street Lawyer1999 - The Testament2000 - The Brethren Grisham Branches Out From  2001-2010 As the best-selling author entered his second decade of writing, he stepped back from his legal thrillers to examine other genres. A Painted House is a small town mystery. Skipping Christmas is about a family that decides to skip Christmas. He also examined his interest in sports with Bleachers, which tells the story of a high school football star returning to his hometown after his coach dies. The theme continued in Playing for Pizza, a story about an American playing football in Italy. In 2010, Grisham introduced Theodore Boone: Kid Lawyer to middle school readers. This book about a kid lawyer successfully launched an entire series centered around the main character. It introduced the author to younger readers who are likely to become lifelong fans. Also in this decade, Grisham released Ford County, his first collection of short stories and The Innocent Man, his first nonfiction book about an innocent man on death row.  Not to turn his back on his dedicated fans, he rounded out this time with several legal thrillers as well. 2001 - A Painted House2001 - Skipping Christmas2002 - The Summons2003 - The King of Torts2003 - Bleachers2004 - The Last Juror2005 - The Broker2006 - The Innocent Man2007 - Playing for Pizza2008 - The Appeal2009 - The Associate2009 - Ford County (short stories)2010 - Theodore Boone: Kid Lawyer2010 - The Confession 2011 to Present: Grisham Revisits Past Successes Following the success of the first Theodore Boone book, Grisham followed up with five more books in the popular series. In Sycamore Row, a sequel to A Time to Kill, Grisham brought back protagonist Jake Brigance and key supporting characters Lucien Wilbanks and Harry Rex Vonner. He continued his policy of writing one legal thriller a year and threw in a couple of short stories and a baseball novel called Calico Joe for good measure.   Grishams 30th book was released in 2017 and titled Camino Island. Another intriguing crime novel, the story centers around stolen F Scott Fitzgerald manuscripts. Between a young, enthusiastic writer, the FBI, and a secret agency, the investigation tries to track down these handwritten documents on the black market. 2011 - Theodore Boone: The Abduction2011 - The Litigators2012 - Theodore Boone: The Accused2012 - Calico Joe2012 - The Racketeer2013 - Theodore Boone: The Activist2013 - Sycamore Row2014 - Gray Mountain2015 - Theodore Boone: The Fugitive2015 - Rogue Lawyer2016 - Partners (a Rogue Lawyer short story)2016 - Theodore Boone: The Scandal2016 - Witness to a Trial (a digital short story)2016 - The Whistler2017 - Camino Island

Nature Of Control And Its Effects On The Way Individuals...

Research has shown that there is significant variability in the way individuals perceive and interpret events. Frequently, individuals encounter and are exposed to situations in their environment where causation tends to be subjectively inferred. Due to these instances where one is able to nonchalantly assume the causality between certain events or situations that occur, gives rise to the phenomenon of illusory control. Langer (1975) introduced the concept ‘illusion of control’ as the expectancy of a personal success probability which is inappropriately higher than the objective probability would warrant. Even though the objective odds are evident, the remaining subjective expectation of success is thought to be dependent on factors†¦show more content†¦Previous research has suggested that there are certain individuals who are more prone to an illusion of control than others (e.g. Alloy Abramson, 1979; Biner et al., 1995; Delfabbro LeCouteur, 2009; Friedland e t al., 1991; Langer, 1975; Rudski, 2004). Rotter (1966) proposed that ones’ locus of control, which refers to an individual’s generalised expectancy of success based on their previous experience, will influence ones predisposition to illusory control. However, the issue with this notion is the reliance on multiple forms of perception at once, and it is likely individuals will differ in these each of these aspects (e.g. personal, social and political beliefs). Therefore, to understand and measure how beliefs about events occur in the world while considering these differences, application of scales measuring principles like superstitions (Matute, 1995; Wiseman Watt, 2004), paranormal beliefs (Peters et al. 1999) luck, chance and how these might impact activities like gambling (Friedland et al., 1991; Wood Clapham 2005), will be valuable. Studies have shown that those more likely to develop an illusion of control are correlated with their desire for control (Biner et al. 1995), superstitious or paranormal beliefs (Rudski 2004) as well as their delusory beliefs (Balzan et al. 2013). Therefore, it is evident that certain individuals appear more inclined to make connections from

Indigenous Health Perspective Samples for Students †MyAssignmenthelp.

Question: Discuss about the Indigenous Health Perspective in Australia. Answer: Indigenous Health Perspective An Introduction Indigenous and aboriginal people remained as the highly disadvantaged groups in the Australian society. Health disparities in treating various disease conditions including renal disease, cardiovascular abnormality and cancer resulted in the establishment of mental complications among the indigenous individuals (Durey Thompson, 2012). The pattern of racism experienced by the aboriginal people resulted in the elevation of their disease burden and reduction in the wellness outcomes. The pattern of interpersonal racism resulted in the establishment of mistrust between the aboriginal community and established sections of the Australian society. The practice of racism among the nurse professionals continues to deteriorate the accessibility as well as the quality of healthcare interventions for the Indigenous Australian population (Durey Thompson, 2012). Social gradients of health deterioration of indigenous natives include the pattern of discrimination and inequitable administration of h ealthcare interventions. The exclusion of the aboriginal people from the economic, political and social life events of the established Australians resulted in the development of their cognitive decline and pattern of depressive episodes (Shepherd, et al., 2012). The cultural and social marginalization of the aboriginal people resulted in their psychosocial degradation across the community environment. The social circumstances of various well-known aboriginal personalities have impacted their health statuses at some point of time in their lives. Nova Peris, a well-known politician and sports person is an aboriginal native who experienced various societal inequalities and misconduct by the established Australian society at various stages in her athletic and political tenure (Nova, 2003). The pattern of racism experienced by this renowned personality impacted her mental health and predisposed her towards the development of psychosocial manifestations. Racial Discrimination and Mental Health Nova experienced racial discrimination at the age of 17 during the stage of her career development in Queensland. Evidence-based research literature describes the pattern of racial discrimination as a greatest social health determinant that considerably deteriorates the psychosocial outcomes of the underprivileged and impoverished individuals (Currie, et al., 2012). Resultantly, they experience mental instability and deterioration in the level of their self-esteem and confidence. This inequality across the community environment adversely impacts the pattern of healthcare and associated wellness outcomes of the aboriginal natives (Vukic, et al., 2012). Therefore, the promotion of indigenous health nursing is highly warranted in the Australian healthcare sector with the objective of eliminating the health inequalities faced by the aboriginal natives across the community environment. Nova infrequently experienced anxiety followed by hyperventilation while participating in the hockey tou rnaments and practice sessions (Nova, 2003). She attended various counselling sessions undertaken by her psychologist in the context of improving the state of her mental and psychosocial health. The state of Novas hyperventilation and anxiety developed under the influence of racial issues, interpersonal conflicts and absence of social support. The research study by (Kisely, et al., 2017) reveals the prevalence of panic disorders, generalized anxiety and depression among the indigenous natives. They also experience elevated predisposition of acquiring post-traumatic stress disorder. Psychiatric health of the aboriginal natives is determined by the interaction of their socio-cultural, economic, educational and biological factors (Kisely, et al., 2017). In Novas case, her socio-cultural factors played a biggest role in impacting the state of her mental well-being. The pattern of social-phobia and bipolar disorders is prevalently experienced by the aboriginal population (Black, et al., 2017). This phobia arises because of the social threats and inequality practiced by the established sections of the Australian Society against the indigenous natives. Resultantly, the aboriginal people undergo mood fluctuations and suicidal ideation that adversely influence the state of their psychosocial development across the community environment. The Aboriginal Circumstances Nova experienced the prevalence of domestic violence and alcoholism in the aboriginal society and considered these factors as the preliminary causes of their social deterioration (Nova, 2003). The events of this violence since childhood impacted her psychosocial and mental health and persuaded her to utilize these adverse experiences in terms of brining a major social reform in the aboriginal society. Evidence-based research literature correlates the utilization of alcohol with the events of crime, violence and traumatic episodes in the aboriginal society. The pattern of alcohol abuse among the aboriginal natives arises because of the mental and social adversities as well as economic instability experienced by them across the community environment. The feeling of lack of accomplishment as well as deterioration leads to the establishment of depression that further enforces the aboriginal people towards acquiring alcoholism. Resultantly, the aboriginal natives indulge themselves in the episodes of domestic and family violence and criminal activities against children and women (Ramamoorthi, et al., 2014). The jeopardized conduct by the established sections of the Australian Society against the indigenous people maximizes the intensity of their social trauma and hampers the pattern of their psychosocial, economic as well as moral development against the community environment (Ramamoorthi, et al., 2014). Australian conservative politics impacted psychological morale of Nova and forced her to rethink regarding the development of reinforcement strategies warranted for reducing the state of inequality experienced by the aboriginal natives (Nova, 2003). The pattern of conservative politics in Australia continued to advocate the colonization of aboriginal natives under restricted geographical confinements (Sherwood, 2013). Resultantly, the aboriginals experienced the state of social isolation that adversely impacted their political, social, psychological and mental devel opment. The regular interaction of the aboriginal natives with the established sections of the Australian society is highly essential for their psychological, educational as well as economic development in the longer term. The Australian federal government therefore, requires undertaking strict measures for establishing an environment that could ascertain the equitable treatment of aboriginal people in comparison to the well-to-do sections of Australian society across the community environment. Nova advocated the requirement of developing cross-cultural interventions in the context of improving the health and wellness of Aboriginal Australians (Nova, 2003). These interventions also assist in reducing the pattern of racial discrimination and associated complications in the indigenous society. Cross-cultural approaches that require implementation for the aboriginal community effectively accomplish their culture-specific requirements across the community environment (Shahid, et al., 20 13). The cross-cultural steps require the establishment of therapeutic communication between healthcare professionals and underprivileged aboriginals with the objective of elevating their dignity and morale. These evidence-based strategies effectively substantiate the consistent improvement in the psychological, physical and social well-being of the aboriginal natives. Nova supported these evidence-based strategies throughout her political and athletic tenure and proved to be an iconic statesperson for the aboriginal population. Conclusion The biography of Nova peris evidentially explains the social and psychological determinants of the mental health of Aboriginal Australians. The state of psychosocial isolation considerably impacts the mental well-being of indigenous individuals and elevates their scope of health and wellness deterioration. The health inequalities experienced by the aboriginal people pose numerous challenges for them in terms of acquiring a healthy psychosocial and physical state across the community environment. They remain highly inaccessible to the healthcare services and medical professionals also refrain themselves in equitably administering medical interventions in concordance with the individualized requirements of the ailing aboriginals. Experiences of Nova Peris strongly advocate the requirement of bringing major reformation in the Australian societal structure with the objective of developing transparency in the Australian healthcare system. The development of an unbiased healthcare system u nder the supervision of the Australian federal government is highly required for improving the state of health and wellness of the aboriginal community. Indeed, the established sections of the Australian society need to take ownership for the establishment of health and equality across the indigenous community while eliminating the practice of racial discrimination and biased healthcare approaches. The establishment of health equity for indigenous islanders is greatly warranted for their resilience as well as the enhancement of mental health outcomes. Bibliography Black, E., Kisely, S., Alichniewicz , K. Toombs , M., 2017. Mood and anxiety disorders in Australia and New Zealand's indigenous populations: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Psychiatry Research, pp. 128-138. Currie , C. L. et al., 2012. Racial discrimination experienced by aboriginal university students in Canada. Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, 57(10), pp. 617-625. Durey, A. Thompson, S. C., 2012. Reducing the health disparities of Indigenous Australians: time to change focus. BMC Health Services Research. Kisely, S. et al., 2017. The prevalence of depression and anxiety disorders in indigenous people of the Americas: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Journal of Psychiatric Research, pp. 137-152. Nova, P., 2003. Nova Peris with Ian Heads. [Online] Available at: https://ia.anu.edu.au/biography/peris-nova-17821 [Accessed 06 08 2017]. Ramamoorthi, R., Jayaraj, R., Notaras, L. Thomas, M., 2014. Alcohol-Related Violence among the Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders of the Northern Territory: Prioritizing an Agenda for Prevention-Narrative Review Article. Iraninan Journal of Public Health, 43(5), pp. 539-544. Shahid, S. et al., 2013. Identifying barriers and improving communication between cancer service providers and Aboriginal patients and their families: the perspective of service providers. BMC Health Services Research. Shepherd, C. C. J., Li, J. Zubrick, S. R., 2012. Social Gradients in the Health of Indigenous Australians. American Journal of Public Health, 102(1), pp. 107-117. Sherwood , J., 2013. Colonisation - it's bad for your health: the context of Aboriginal health. Contemporary Nurse, 46(1), pp. 28-40. Vukic, A., Jesty, C., Mathews, S. V. Etowa, J., 2012. Understanding Race and Racism in Nursing: Insights from Aboriginal Nurses. ISRN Nursing.

The Untenable Developmental State Economic Model

Introduction The developmental state is a term used to describe industrialised and rapidly developing economies. In these economies, policies that bring rapid economic change are formulated and implemented by the governments concerned.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The Untenable Developmental State Economic Model specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Previously, the term developmental state was used to describe the East Asian economies such as South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong and even Japan and China, where governmental policies played a vital role in the exponential economic growth of these countries from the early eighties. Chalmers Johnson, an eminent Political scientist who did large quantities of research on Asian economies, first used â€Å"Developmental State† as a term in his book MITI and the Japanese Miracle (Stubbs 2009, p.4). However, the term has lately been used to describe states outsi de Asia that have similar development styles, such as Botswana in Africa and some Latin American countries. The rapid industrialization and economic growth that characterised the East Asian economies were of much interest to western scholars. According to Hayashi, there exists two types of criticism for the developmental state (2010, p.46). The first type states that, developmental states are not a decisive factor in economic growth and that other developing countries would do well to forgo the form of economic growth exhibited by development states. This is because, according to economists like Paul Krugman, development states had exhibited a sham growth that did not take into account a concept known as total factor productivity, where all variables that play a part in economic growth are included in the calculation of growth and GDP. According to Krugman therefore, these developmental states would soon crumble under illusionary the weight of the deceptive economic growth. The seco nd class of criticism states that, although a slight level of growth was achieved by the developmental states in the eighties and nineties, such a model of economic growth is no longer viable in today’s globalized world.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The emergence of the developmental states of East Asia was in a sense a rebellion from the economic models practiced by the former colonial masters of these countries. According to Kim, these East Asian states desired to pursue unique economic strategies that were customised to fit the cultural, political and economic realities of East Asia, distinct from the policies advocated by fly-by-night western economists (2009, p.383). These countries felt that the economic practices proposed by their former colonial masters were far-removed from Asian realities, and purposed to chart their own paths towards industrialization an d economic growth. The Asian economic crisis of 1997-1998 affected most countries in Asia. Those severely affected were Thailand, South Korea, Indonesia and Malaysia. Other countries affected were The Philippines and Laos. India, Japan and China were less affected, but suffered a loss of confidence in their markets. Therefore, the crisis’ reach spanned the entire Asian continent. Eventually, as the crisis deepened, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had to step in and bail out some of these economies. During the years when the model of the developmental state was being touted as one of the best models that a country in need of rapid industrialization and economic growth could adopt, the East Asian countries served as the prototypical examples. The general belief was that these countries had sound fiscal policies and the high-capital flows into these countries were evidence of investor confidence in the said policies. However, when the crisis began, the model of the develop mental state, especially when juxtaposed with countries in the west with differing economic policies, did not appear as reliable and stable as earlier thought. Additionally, because of the intervention of the IMF, and the subsequent actions by these countries in adopting policies proposed by the IMF, the developmental state as a model of growth for developing countries needs re-thinking. In light of these developments since the East Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998, the notion of the developmental state, as a model for growth, is economically nonviable. Moreover, the concept of globalization has rendered governmental influence on economic progress unfeasible. Additionally, because in the aftermath of the financial crisis the Asian states affected adopted western economic structures and policies, the notion of the developmental state as a model for rapid industrialization is unsustainable.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The Untenable Developmental State Eco nomic Model specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Prior to 1997-1998 Financial Crisis During the 1980s and early 1990s, Asian countries attracted foreign investors in droves. Countries like Indonesia, Thailand and South Korea posted double-digit growth rates for many consecutive years (Stubbs 2011, p.155). This seeming economic boom saw high interest rate returns for investors, and capital inflows to these countries increased. These Asian countries, especially South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore earned the admiration of the IMF and the World Bank, and were given the moniker â€Å"Asian Tigers† to describe their successful and aggressive growth towards industrialization. The 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis The 1997-1998 Asian financial crisis began in Thailand, where due to the country’s massive foreign debt, its currency was rendered valueless. Soon the effects of Thailand’s currency collapse spread to other As ian nations, and countries such as China and Japan, though relatively less so, were also affected. Because of the significant investments made by international and foreign investors in these economies, the IMF had to step in to pre-empt a worldwide financial crisis. The IMF started a bail out program for the economies of South Korea, Indonesia, Thailand and other affected nations. South Korea As one of the countries that was most affected by the crisis, South Korea accepted the IMF bail out funds in order to restore its economy. The immediate aftermath of the crisis was an increase in the level of unemployment in the country; the IMF request to reduce public spending and downsize workers in the public sector only worsened matters. Additionally, many of the large corporations in the country had chalked up astronomical debts and were nearing insolvency when the crisis began. Government efforts to shore up the activities of conglomerates such as Kia motors, the country’s largest car marker at the time, had served to laden the company with poor debt. Typical of developmental states, the South Korean government had made efforts to bail out the company prior to the crisis.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More According to Jung and Clark, many South Koreans believe the IMF intervention worsened the crisis, with some going as far as blaming the IMF for instigating the crisis (2010, p.30). Indeed, even though South Korea accepted the bail out money from IMF, it did not strictly adhere to the conditions set by the monetary institution (Su-Hsing Ming-Jang 2010, p.175). For instance, the government rejected the condition of reducing its public spending, and on the contrary offered welfare funds to the needy and others most affected by the crisis. In the long term, the stance of the government bore fruit, and by the year 2007, the South Korean economy was again recording consistently high levels of growth. Thailand Thailand’s economic growth prior to the financial crisis of 1997-98 was one of the highest in the world. As the epicentre of the financial crisis, panic began through investor speculation on the strength of the country’s currency. The central bank, in the face of massi ve lay offs and loss of jobs and businesses, refused to devalue the currency. Thereafter, many of the country’s financial and industrial institutions collapsed, and more workers lost their jobs. A high number of expatriate workers also left the country. By December 1997, the government of Thailand accepted bail out packages from the IMF, and implemented the conditions that the IMF set for granting the funds. These conditions included limited government spending, high taxation, and maintaining high interest rates. Additionally, all institutions and firms that could not sustain themselves and were insolvent were not to be bailed out. Within seven years of implementing these measures, Thailand was firmly on the road to economic recovery, and paid its IMF debt within the stipulated period. Indonesia Indonesia’s financial crisis was least expected amongst the Asian nations. Indonesia, unlike other East Asian nations that were affected by the crisis, had low inflations, a st able currency, adequate foreign reserves, and its currency’s exchange rate to the dollar was stable. However, financial contagion stemming from Thailand’s collapse led to speculative ambushes on the rupiah, Indonesia’s currency. Soon the country’s premier stock exchange reached its lowest points in history, and the political class, led by the president, decided to accept IMF’s bail out funds of $20 billion dollars. The crisis claimed several political scalps, including that of President Suharto. The president, in an attempt to contain the crisis, had earlier sacked the central Bank governor whom he accused of formulating defective policies that failed to arrest the economic decline that was plaguing the country. Malaysia Prior to the crisis, Malaysia attracted large foreign investment. Like other developmental states, government hand in promoting the country as an investment hub was significant in attracting high numbers of foreign investors. The K uala Lumpar Stock exchange at the time was the most active in the world. However, in 1998, due to the effects of the financial crisis in other East Asian nations, the Malaysian economy went into recession. Industrial sectors like the construction industry, one of the foremost industries in the country, shrunk massively. Massive lay offs and downsizing of staff followed. The government intervened to slow the currency’s decline against the dollar. Malaysian economic authorities formed task forces to oversee he stabilization of the economy, and Malaysia was the only country to decline aid from the IMF. By the year 2005, measures to contain the crisis had taken effect, and the Malaysian currency was de-linked from its previous fixed exchange status. China, Japan and the USA China was not intensely affected by the financial crisis. Its currency, at the time, traded at about 8 RMB to the dollar. However, due to the decline in the relative value of most Asian currencies occasioned b y the crisis, China was faced with the need of devaluing its own currency so that its exports could remain competitive. Chinese authorities decided not to devaluate the currency, and in the end, China was able to survive the financial crisis with the barest of losses to its economy and prestige. Japanese investments in other Asian nations suffered because of the collapse of these economies during and after the financial crisis. Additionally, in 1998 the economy suffered a recession due to low foreign exchange occasioned by competition from cheaper sources of goods from other Asian nations. In the US, although the economy did not undergo a recession, fears of collapse fuelled by the crisis occurring in Asia led to the brief suspension of trading at the New York Stock Exchange. Similarly, the country experienced reduced consumer spending amid speculation of the outcome of the Asian financial crisis. Lessons Learnt Prior to the financial crisis of 1997, these East Asian economies were believed to have implemented sound fiscal policies that would forestall the occurrence of a financial crisis. Therefore, even the most ardent sceptics of the â€Å"Asian miracle† like Paul Krugman could not predict the scope and intensity of the crisis. According to Ka Ho, Lawler, and Hinz, the Asian financial crisis worsened the existing social gaps that existed priors to the crisis (2009, p.146). Educational opportunities for the poor became limited, and access to social services was hindered by the lack of funds in government treasuries in these Asian nations (Ramesh 2009, p. 80). The IMF intervention was conditional, and the nations affected had to pursue frugality measures crafted by the IMF in order to reduce public spending, increase revenue and restore investor confidence. The Role of the IMF As earlier stated, one of the main reasons that the Asian states pursued the developmental state economic model was a desire to curve out economic paths that remained true to Asi an conditions. For many of the countries in Asia, simply following western models of economic growth was not tenable. Therefore, adoption of the developmental state model by these countries was, as much an act of defiance, as it was a pursuit of a unique economic growth model. The IMF’s role in reducing the effects of the financial crisis through bailing out these economies took several angles. The conditions set by the IMF served to achieve certain purposes, which many in the Asian region felt was a form of neo-colonialism, and a movement towards a form of economic models many Asians countries had strived so hard to disassociate with – the western model. Westernized Financial and Banking Institutions Ultimately, the IMF wanted the Asian nations affected by the crisis to adopt financial models moulded in the form of those found in Europe and the USA. As far as the IMF was concerned, the developmental state models had failed at its most critical point. The financial cri sis that plagued Asian nations, which until the actual crisis began were believed to be examples in sound financial and economic management, was proof of failure of the developmental state model for the economic growth. Therefore, the IMF facilitated bail out funds with conditions that required these countries to restructure their economic and financial institutions, industries and policies. According to Pettis, emerging economies that pursue aggressive policies aimed at industrialization have to be aware of imminent collapse wrought by unstable institutions (2001, p.17). Pettis states that, countries that industrialize over a long period are better placed to deal with sudden economic shocks because the economic industries in these countries usually stabilize over long periods, enough to withstand sudden economic shocks. Therefore, the IMF’s role was to steer these economies away from the developmental state model and towards a more western economic orientation. Transparency A strong feature of the developmental state is a lack of financial openness to foreigners or the outside world. Whenever government is involved in economic matters, many times the need to pursue genuine economic policies and the desire to placate the electoral masses usually conflict. Subsequently, many developmental states find themselves issuing economic data that the masses and the electorate will find pleasant, while hiding or failing to disclose economic data that may place the government in a negative light (de Boyrie 2009, p.5). Indeed, developmental states tend to have minimal democratic practices, and sometimes need to maintain a positive economic image for the public and investors overrides the need for full disclosure (Pempel 1999, p.14). Some analysts believe that one of the reasons that remarkably few economists predicted the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998 was because the data that the economists worked with was not comprehensive. Therefore, while these economies w ere given a clean bill of health in the economic books of western scholars as late as 1996, the real data or economic trends that would have allowed for some sort of prediction was overlooked, or simply unavailable for outside scrutiny. Therefore, one of the conditions set by the IMF was that the financial institutions that were to be given the bail out money would disclose all their financial activities, and such activities should henceforth be subject to public scrutiny (Best 2010, p.30). As shown in the economic data of the countries that were affected by the Asian financial crisis of 97-98 in this paper, all of these countries showed healthy economic data prior to the crisis. Even Thailand, the country that precipitated the crisis, enjoyed an economic growth rate of 9% in the year preceding the financial crisis. The belief that the governments of these countries had withheld crucial data that would have pre-empted the crisis thus holds water. Restoration of Confidence in Asian M arkets In order to facilitate quick economic recovery and restore investor confidence in the Asian markets, the IMF proposed measures to realise the same. In countries such as Thailand, Indonesia, and South Korea, the beginning of the financial crisis saw them hold remarkably little in foreign reserves. Therefore, the IMF instructed these countries to maintain high interest rates to ensure that their respective domestic currencies remained in the hands of locals, thereby maintaining confidence in these currencies. Similarly, the crisis led to a reduction in capital flow to the Asian region, and fearful of speculative buying and withdrawal of investments that would bring a global crisis, the IMF sought to restore investor confidence in the Asian markets as soon as was practically possible (Kaufman, Krueger, Hunter 1999, p.35). In the pursuit of restoring investor confidence, the Asian economies that accepted bail out money from the IMF resorted to adopting financial practices simila r to those of western societies like the US. Vindication of the Western Model over the Developmental State Model Ultimately, the fact that these Asian states accepted bail out funds in order to restore their economies points to a victory of the western route towards economic progress and industrialization over the developmental state model. The policies pushed by the IMF, and adopted by these countries, ultimately worked. In essence, the developmental state model failed when it mattered most. Globalization and the Notion of the Developmental State The Asian Financial crisis of 1997-1998 had profound effects on the social, economic and political sectors of the East Asian economies. The immediate aftermath of the crisis saw these states grapple with massive unemployment, lack of access to social services and increased poverty rates. Since the crisis, changes in the modus operandi of world economies, precipitated by technological advances, have ushered in global markets for national ec onomies. Through globalization, traditional country boundaries that restricted trade have been eliminated, and business transactions across national barriers are common and necessary. According to Green, globalization is changing the way countries run their economies and industries in Asia (2007, p.25). Outsourcing of labour across national boundaries, exchange of goods and services over the Internet and technological transfer have all contributed to creating economies that rely less on governmental policy and more on the individual innovativeness of citizens. Conclusion Certainly, the East Asian developmental states prior to the East Asian financial crisis of 1997-198-98 were models on achieving high economic growth and rapid industrialization. Variously called the ‘Asian miracle’, â€Å"Asian tigers’ and other such epithets, analysts of these economies prior to the crisis were confident in the model as a vehicle towards economic progress. However, the financia l crisis of 1997-1998 calls for a re-think concerning the efficacy of the developmental state as a model for economic and industrial growth. As discussed in this paper, the financial crisis called into question various attributes of the developmental state. Overall, the inability of these developmental states to secure their economies by themselves and only doing so through the assistance of worldwide monetary institutions such as the IMF indicates a considerable failure of the development state notion (Muchhala 2007, p.45). The intervention by the IMF, and the subsequent policies adopted by these states, point to the weaknesses in the development state model. Firstly, in order to recover from the financial crisis, these states had to acquire financial models similar to those of the western world. This indicates a failure of the financial model espoused in developmental states. Secondly, these states had to pen up their economy for more intense international scrutiny. Thirdly, these states had to restore confidence in their markets by practicing policies such as implementing high interest rates, an idea prevalent in western economic policies. Ultimately, because these states had to forgo their developmental state models in order to recover from the financial crisis, the developmental state model thus becomes effectively redundant. Finally, as discussed in the paper, the changes in world economic practices have served to obviate the need for adoption of a development state model for economic growth. Globalization has shattered traditional trade and economic activity beliefs. In the present day, economic transactions rely less on governmental regulation, and more business activities are carried out across national and international boundaries than ever before. Such open, quick and innovative transactions carried out over the Internet and through technological transfers have placed market forces firmly out of the hands of governments. The notion of the developmen tal state thus belongs to a bygone era. Reference List Best, J., 2010. The Limits of Financial Risk Management: Or what we didn’t learn from The Asian Crisis. New Political Economy, 15(1), pp. 29-49. de Boyrie, M., 2009. Structural Changes, Causality, and Foreign Direct Investments: Evidence from the Asian Crises of 1997. Global Economy Journal, 9(4), pp. 1-38. Green, A., 2007. Globalisation and the changing nature of the state in East Asia.  Globalisation, Societies Education, 5(1), pp. 23-38. Hayashi, S., 2010. The developmental state in the era of globalization: beyond the Northeast Asian model of political economy. Pacific Review, 23(1), pp. 45-69. Jung, C., Clark, C., 2010. The Impact of the Asian Financial Crisis on Budget Politics in South Korea. 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